Navajo - Wikipedia
This distant relationship, however, did not stop the Apache from learning to use Whereas both the Navajo and Apache adopted artifacts of Spanish culture, the. Both Navajo and Apache languages belong to a language family called (View photograph of a still-standing forked-pole hogan dating from a later period.). The Navajo and Apache speak very closely related languages; some Apache dialects are partially mutually Motley Fool issues rare "double down" buy alert.
In the midth century, these mobile groups lived in tents, hunted bison and other game, and used dogs to pull travois loaded with their possessions. Substantial numbers of the people and a wide range were recorded by the Spanish in the 16th century. After seventeen days of travel, I came upon a 'rancheria' of the Indians who follow these cattle bison. These natives are called Querechos. They do not cultivate the land, but eat raw meat and drink the blood of the cattle they kill.
They dress in the skins of the cattle, with which all the people in this land clothe themselves, and they have very well-constructed tents, made with tanned and greased cowhides, in which they live and which they take along as they follow the cattle. They have dogs which they load to carry their tents, poles, and belongings. An archaeological material culture assemblage identified in this mountainous zone as ancestral Apache has been referred to as the "Cerro Rojo complex".
History and cultural relations - Navajo
When the Spanish arrived in the area, trade between the long established Pueblo peoples and the Southern Athabaskan was well established. They reported the Pueblo exchanged maize and woven cotton goods for bison meat, and hides and materials for stone tools. Coronado observed the Plains people wintering near the Pueblo in established camps. Later Spanish sovereignty over the area disrupted trade between the Pueblo and the diverging Apache and Navajo groups.
The Apache quickly acquired horses, improving their mobility for quick raids on settlements. In addition, the Pueblo were forced to work Spanish mission lands and care for mission flocks; they had fewer surplus goods to trade with their neighbors.
Other Spanish explorers first mention "Querechos" living west of the Rio Grande in the s. To some historians, this implies the Apaches moved into their current Southwestern homelands in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. Other historians note that Coronado reported that Pueblo women and children had often been evacuated by the time his party attacked their dwellings, and that he saw some dwellings had been recently abandoned as he moved up the Rio Grande.
This might indicate the semi-nomadic Southern Athabaskan had advance warning about his hostile approach and evaded encounter with the Spanish.
Archaeologists are finding ample evidence of an early proto-Apache presence in the Southwestern mountain zone in the 15th century and perhaps earlier. The Apache presence on both the Plains and in the mountainous Southwest indicate that the people took multiple early migration routes.
Apache Wars and Apache—Mexico Wars In general, the recently arrived Spanish colonists, who settled in villages, and Apache bands developed a pattern of interaction over a few centuries. Both raided and traded with each other.
Records of the period seem to indicate that relationships depended upon the specific villages and specific bands that were involved with each other. For example, one band might be friends with one village and raid another. When war happened, the Spanish would send troops; after a battle both sides would "sign a treaty," and both sides would go home.
Geronimo The traditional and sometimes treacherous relationships continued between the villages and bands with the independence of Mexico in By Mexico had placed a bounty on Apache scalps see scalpingbut certain villages were still trading with some bands.
Byauthorities in horse-rich Durango would claim that Indian raids mostly Comanche and Apache in their state had taken nearly 6, lives, abducted people, and forced the abandonment of settlements over the previous 20 years.
An uneasy peace between the Apache and the new citizens of the United States held until the s. An influx of gold miners into the Santa Rita Mountains led to conflict with the Apache. This period is sometimes called the Apache Wars.
United States' concept of a reservation had not been used by the Spanish, Mexicans or other Apache neighbors before. Reservations were often badly managed, and bands that had no kinship relationships were forced to live together. No fences existed to keep people in or out. It was not uncommon for a band to be given permission to leave for a short period of time.
Other times a band would leave without permission, to raid, return to their homeland to forage, or to simply get away. The military usually had forts nearby. Their job was keeping the various bands on the reservations by finding and returning those who left. The reservation policies of the United States produced conflict and war with the various Apache bands who left the reservations for almost another quarter century.
Warfare between the Apache peoples and Euro-Americans has led to a stereotypical focus on certain aspects of Apache cultures. These have often been distorted through misunderstanding of their cultures, as noted by anthropologist Keith Basso: Of the hundreds of peoples that lived and flourished in native North America, few have been so consistently misrepresented as the Apacheans of Arizona and New Mexico.
Glorified by novelists, sensationalized by historians, and distorted beyond credulity by commercial film makers, the popular image of 'the Apache' — a brutish, terrifying semi-human bent upon wanton death and destruction — is almost entirely a product of irresponsible caricature and exaggeration. Indeed, there can be little doubt that the Apache has been transformed from a native American into an American legend, the fanciful and fallacious creation of a non-Indian citizenry whose inability to recognize the massive treachery of ethnic and cultural stereotypes has been matched only by its willingness to sustain and inflate them.
At the orders of the Indian Commissioner, L.
Navajos - History, Modern era, The first navajos in america, Settlement
The trek resulted in the loss of several hundred lives. The people were held there in internment for 25 years while white settlers took over their land. Only a few hundred ever returned to their lands. At the San Carlos reservation, the Buffalo soldiers of the 9th Cavalry Regiment - replacing the 8th Cavalry who were being stationed to Texas - guarded the Apaches from Defeat Most United States' histories of this era report that the final defeat of an Apache band took place when 5, US troops forced Geronimo 's group of 30 to 50 men, women and children to surrender on September 4,at Skeleton CanyonArizona.
Many books were written on the stories of hunting and trapping during the late 19th century. Many of these stories involve Apache raids and the failure of agreements with Americans and Mexicans. In the post-war era, the US government arranged for Apache children to be taken from their families for adoption by white Americans in assimilation programs.
An extended family generally consisted of a husband and wife, their unmarried children, their married daughters, their married daughters' husbands, and their married daughters' children.
Thus, the extended family is connected through a lineage of women who live together that is, matrilocal residenceinto which men may enter upon marriage leaving behind his parents' family.
When a daughter was married, a new dwelling was built nearby for her and her husband. Among the Navajo, residence rights are ultimately derived from a head mother.
Although the Western Apache usually practiced matrilocal residence, sometimes the eldest son chose to bring his wife to live with his parents after marriage. All tribes practiced sororate and levirate marriages. Apache Indian girl carrying an olla a water basket on her head, ca.
The degree of avoidance differed in different Apache groups. The most elaborate system was among the Chiricahua, where men had to use indirect polite speech toward and were not allowed to be within visual sight of the wife's female relatives, whom he had to avoid.
His female Chiricahua relatives through marriage also avoided him. Several extended families worked together as a "local group", which carried out certain ceremonies, and economic and military activities. Political control was mostly present at the local group level. Local groups were headed by a chiefa male who had considerable influence over others in the group due to his effectiveness and reputation.
The chief was the closest societal role to a leader in Apache cultures. The office was not hereditaryand the position was often filled by members of different extended families. The chief's leadership was only as strong as he was evaluated to be—no group member was ever obliged to follow the chief.
It is a land of vast spaces and only a few all-weather roads.
Eighty-eight percent of the reservation is without telephone service and many areas do not have electricity. The local unit of Navajo government is called the Chapter. There are more than one hundred Chapter Houses throughout the nation, which serve as local administrative centers for geographical regions. Before the tribal elections, the tribal council system of government was reorganized into executive, legislative, and judicial branches. In Navajos elected a tribal president for the first time, rather than a tribal chairman.
The Navajo reservation, as created by treaty inencompassed only about ten percent of the ancestral Navajo homeland.Rez Relationship Dispute Be Like
The land base soon tripled in size, largely by the addition of large blocks of land by executive orders of presidents of the United States during the late nineteenth century, when Americans still considered most of the desert Southwest to be undesirable land.
Dozens of small increments were also added by various methods until the middle of the twentieth century.
The Post-Pueblo Period: A.D. 1300 to Late 1700s
Navajos of the mids were still adjusting the boundaries of their nation, especially by trading land in an attempt to create contiguous blocks in an area called the Checkerboard, which lies along the eastern boundary of the Navajo Nation. More than 30, Navajos live in this 7, square-mile area of northwestern New Mexico. They are interspersed with Anglo and New Mexican stock raisers and involved in a nightmare of legal tangles regarding title to the land, where there are 14 different kinds of land ownership.
The problems originated in the nineteenth century, when railroad companies were granted rights of way consisting of alternating sections of land. They were complicated by partial allotments of acre parcels of land to some individual Navajos, the reacquisition of some parcels by the federal government as public domain land, and other factors.
Crownpoint is the home of the Eastern Navajo Agency, the Navajo administrative headquarters for the Checkerboard. As recently as the Navajos were still attempting to consolidate the Checkerboard, exchanging 20, acres in order to achieve 80, acres of consolidation. Canoncito was first settled around Ramah and Alamo had their origins in the late s when some Navajos settled in these areas on their way back toward the Navajo homeland from imprisonment at the U.
Army concentration camp at Bosque Redondo; approximately half the Navajos had been incarcerated there. Ramah is rural and is a bastion of traditional Navajo life. More than 1, Navajos live at Canoncito, which is to the east of Mt. Taylor near the pueblos of Laguna and Isleta, and more than 2, live at Alamo, which is south of the pueblos of Acoma and Laguna. The Athapaskan language family is one of the most widely dispersed language families in North America, and most of Members of the Navajo tribe sit together in this photograph.
Linguists who study changes in language and then estimate how long related languages have been separated have offered the year A. It is clear, however, that the Southwestern Athapaskan did not arrive in the Southwest until at least the end of the fourteenth century. Until that time what is now known as the Navajo homeland was inhabited by one of the most remarkable civilizations of ancient people in North America, the Ancestral Puebloans. Ancestral Puebloan ruins are among the most spectacular ruins in North America—especially their elaborate cliff dwellings, such as the ones at Mesa Verde National Park, and such communities as Chaco Canyon, where multistory stone masonry apartment buildings and large underground kivas can still be seen today.
Scholars originally thought that the arrival of the Southern Athapaskan in the Southwest was a factor in the collapse of the Ancestral Puebloan civilization. It is now known that the Ancestral Puebloans expanded to a point where they had stretched the delicate balance of existence in their fragile, arid environment to where it could not withstand the severe, prolonged droughts that occurred at the end of the fourteenth century.
In all likelihood, the Ancestral Puebloans had moved close to the more dependable sources of water along the watershed of the upper Rio Grande River and had reestablished themselves as the Pueblo peoples by the time the Navajos entered the Southwest. The Navajos then claimed this empty land as their own. Until early in the twentieth century Navajos were also able to carry out their traditional way of life and support themselves with their livestock, remaining relatively unnoticed by the dominant culture.
Boarding schools, the proliferation of automobiles and roads, and federal land management policies—especially regarding traditional Navajo grazing practices—have all made the reservation a different place than what it was in the late nineteenth century. As late as paved roads ended at the fringes of the reservation at Shiprock, Cameron, and Window Rock.
Even wagons were not widely used until the early s. Byhowever, almost two-thirds of all Navajo households owned an automobile. Navajos are finding ways to use some changes to support traditional culture, such as the adult education program at Navajo Community College, which assists in teaching the skills that new Navajo medicine men must acquire in order to serve their communities.
Bilingual education programs and broadcast and publishing programs in the Navajo language are also using the tools of change to preserve and strengthen traditional cultural values and language.
In an anthropologist interviewed an entire community of several hundred Navajos and could not find even one adult over the age of 35 who had not received traditional medical care from a "singer," a Navajo medicine man called a Hataali. Today, when a new health care facility is built on the reservation it includes a room for the traditional practice of medicine by members of the Navajo Medicine Man's Association.
Virtually all of the 3, Navajos who served in World War II underwent the cleansing of the Enemyway ceremony upon their return from the war. There are 24 chantway ceremonies performed by singers. Some last up to nine days and require the assistance of dozens of helpers, especially dancers. Twelve hundred different sandpainting designs are available to the medicine men for the chantways. Large numbers of Navajos also tend to identify themselves as Christians, with most of them mixing elements of both traditional belief and Christianity.
In a survey, between 25 and 50 percent called themselves Christians, the percentage varying widely by region and gender. Twenty-five thousand Navajos belong to the Native American Church, and thousands more attend its peyote ceremonies but do not belong to the church.
In the late s the tribal council approved the religious use of peyote, ending 27 years of persecution. In the church began to spread to the south into the Navajo Nation, and it grew strong among the Navajos in the s. The dance competition powwow draws dancers from throughout the continent. Other Navajo fairs are also held at other times during the year.
All-Indian Rodeos are also popular, as are competition powwows. Photography and video or tape recording of the ceremonies are not permitted without the express authorization of the healers. Portrait of the Peoples, that "Apache and Navajo song style are similar: Both Apache Crown Dancers and Navajo Yeibichei Night Chant dancers wear masks and sing partially in falsetto or in voices imitating the supernaturals. Another severe problem is alcoholism. Both of these problems are exacerbated by poverty: Four full-service Indian hospitals are located in northwestern New Mexico.
The one at Gallup is the largest in the region. Indian Health Centers facilities staffed by health professionals, open at least 40 hours per week, and catering to the general public are located at Ft. In keeping with the recent trend throughout the United States, Navajos are now administering many of their own health care facilities, taking over their operation from the Public Health Service.
Traditional Navajo healers are called Hataali, or "singers". Traditional Navajo medical practice treats the whole person, not just the illness, and is not conducted in isolation but in a ceremony that includes the patient's relatives. The ceremony can last from three to nine days depending upon the illness being treated and the ceremony to be performed. Illness to the Navajos means that there is disharmony in the universe. Proper order is restored with sand paintings in a cleansing and healing ceremony.
There are approximately 1, designs that can be used; most can be created within the size of the average hogan floor, about six feet by six feet, though some are as large as 12 feet in diameter and some as small as one foot in diameter. The Hataali may have several helpers in the creation of the intricate patterns.
Dancers also assist them. In some ceremonies, such as the nine-day Yei-Bei-Chei, 15 or 16 teams of 11 members each dance throughout the night while the singer and his helpers chant prayers. When the painting is ready the patient sits in the middle of it. The singer then transforms the orderliness of the painting, symbolic of its cleanliness, goodness, and harmony, into the patient and puts the illness from the patient into the painting.
The sand painting is then discarded. Many years of apprenticeship are required to learn the designs of the sand paintings and the songs that accompany them, skills that have been passed down through many generations. Most Hataali are able to perform only a few of the many ceremonies practiced by the Navajos, because each ceremony takes so long to learn. Sand painting is now also done for commercial purposes at public displays, but the paintings are not the same ones used in the healing rituals.
Language The Athapaskan language family has four branches: The Athapaskan language family is one of three families within the Na-Dene language phylum. The other two, the Tlingit family and the Haida family, are language isolates in the far north, Tlingit in southeast Alaska, and Haida in British Columbia.
Na-Dene is one of the most widely distributed language phyla in North America. The Southwestern Athapaskan language, sometimes called Apachean, has seven dialects: In approximatelyNavajos on the reservation still spoke Navajo fluently. Family and Community Dynamics No tribe in North America has been more vigorously studied by anthropologists than the Navajos.
When a man marries, he moves into the household of the wife's extended family.
The borrowing of Pueblo traits continued after the Pueblo Revolt ofwhen some Pueblo Indians from the Rio Grande valley took refuge among their Navajo neighbors to the north and west.
Although similar in some ways to Pueblo architecture, pueblitos were built by Navajos for defense against raiders. Pueblitos are multiroom masonry structures often located in places that could be easily defended, such as canyon rims and prominent rock outcrops. Recent research suggests that, despite their name, these buildings were constructed not by Pueblo Indians but by Navajos to defend against attack by Utes and Spaniards.
Unpainted Navajo pottery sherds dating from about A. This style of projectile point is found on early Navajo sites. Stone points were hafted to wooden arrow shafts.