Here’s Hoping Trump-Kim Isn’t Like Kennedy-Khrushchev – Foreign Policy
way in which Kennedy and his advisors trusted that Khrushchev was a rational . it would be overly simplistic to say that the relationship between Kennedy and. Hollywood goes back to time when Kennedys were unsullied The stand-off sealed the golden myth of the Kennedys as the young, handsome, idealists who called Nikita Khrushchev's bluff and saved O'Donnell had the Kennedys' trust. His relationship with Bobby, whom the president charged with. But the relationship between Khrushchev and Kennedy continued to develop with regular communication - often carried out in secret.
The furore has also raised awkward questions about the role O'Donnell's family played behind the scenes. His son Kevin, an internet tycoon, helped bankroll a buyout of Beacon Entertainment, which made the movie, and appears to have been the partial inspiration for promoting his father - played by Kevin Costner - to the role of the "ordinary Joe" hero audiences identify with.
Nor has the symbolism of Costner, the star of Oliver Stone's incendiary JFK, playing Kennedy's closest aide been lost on the army of JFK conspiracy theorists who suspect a rogue military element had a hand in the president's assassination. For one of O'Donnell's few notable utterances after leaving the White House was to confirm their pet suspicion that Kennedy intended pulling US special advisors out of Vietnam as soon as he won the election.
If that were not enough, 13 Days has reopened divisions over the Kennedys' place in history: Up till now O'Donnell, the "gate keeper" to the Oval Office, who controlled the president's diary, has been known, if at all, as the man who looked the other way as a procession of actresses led by Marilyn Monroe were smuggled into the West Wing.
Even Angie Dickinson, who memorably described her own hurried congress with JFK as "the greatest 30 seconds of my life", could not recall his name when questioned by Seymour Hersh for his bestselling demolition job, The Dark Side Of Camelot.
It was this notion of him as a procurer of women for Kennedy that has long rankled with O'Donnell's family, and prompted his daughter Helen to write A Common Good: Roger Donaldson, the film's Australian director, readily admits some liberties were taken with O'Donnell, particularly in scenes where he gives pep talks to pilots about to overfly Cuba, but insists he played a much greater role in resolving the crisis than he has been credited with. He denies, however, that his family exercised any undue influence on the script.
The film is accurate to the spirit as well as to the letter of what went on. Kenny O'Donnell was not the sort of man to boast about what he did. Maybe because he let others tell that story he has been somewhat forgotten. One of their own "He was a tough cookie, discreet, and regarded as family by the Kennedys.
He was one of their own, one of the Boston Irish Mafia.
JFK Was Completely Unprepared For His Summit with Khrushchev
Most of the script is taken verbatim from the Oval Office tapes and Kenny O'Donnell is always there in the background and he had the Kennedys' ear. History offers plenty of examples Trump would do well to study. Presidents, it turns out, rarely achieve very much in such negotiations. Most often, these meetings unsettle traditional allies and disappoint eager citizens.
They rarely produce breakthroughs.
Pushinka: A Cold War puppy the Kennedys loved - BBC News
And the biggest risk is that an acrimonious and ill-prepared meeting can push the two sides closer to war. That is what happened in Junewhen a tough-talking and impatient new American president, John F.
Kennedy, traveled to Vienna to meet with a wily and well-rehearsed Soviet leader, Nikita Khrushchev. Kennedy also refused to concede to Soviet demands for disarmament. The president arrived in Vienna with a firm grasp of U. He arrived in Vienna prepared to charm and cajole his adversary as he often did in encounters with constituents and allies. The leader of the free world always looks weak when he cannot promise a path to improved circumstances for citizens on both sides of the negotiating table.
The presumption for progress rests on the shoulders of the president because he is so powerful, and he suffers a major defeat when he fails to deliver in a one-on-one setting. Kennedy learned this lesson in Vienna, and the near-nuclear apocalypse during the Cuban missile crisis was a sobering consequence.
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- Pushinka: A Cold War puppy the Kennedys loved
When they met, Khrushchev subjected Kennedy to a barrage of accusations regarding U. Khrushchev also condemned the United States for building a massive nuclear arsenal, many times larger than the Soviet arsenal at the time.
JFK-Nikita Khrushchev Relationship Explained By Khrushchev's Granddaughter | HuffPost
The United States and its allies had far more wealth, nuclear weapons, and global reach than the Soviet Union, and U. Khrushchev put Kennedy on the defensive throughout their discussions, demanding that a stronger United States curtail its military activities and address Soviet insecurity before the two countries could form a peaceful relationship.
Although the Soviet Union was expanding its influence across the globe and rapidly increasing the size of its nuclear arsenal, it remained much weaker than the United States.
From such a position, how could the president refute Soviet claims of insecurity?
Some of these texts were hastily translated and many contain inaccuracies or errors. The editors have in a few cases indicated a more accurate translation of words or phrases.
The exception among these contemporary translations is Chairman Khrushchev's message of April 1,unavailable in U. The editors have also identified, to the extent possible, the mode of transmission of the messages whether delivered in Moscow to the U.
From Ordinary Joe to hero of Cuban crisis
Embassy or transmitted by Soviet authorities in Moscow to the Soviet Embassy in Washington for translation to the President or one of his advisers.
Both the records gathered at the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and those of the Department of State include collections of this correspondence between President Kennedy and Chairman Khrushchev. None of these collections is complete. A few of the exchanges included here were not formal messages between the two leaders but were communications passed through "back channels" by Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin or other Soviet officials to other members of President Kennedy's official family.
Eight of the communications were oral messages of which a written record was made only after the fact. The editors made every effort to find and include here all messages that passed between President Kennedy and Chairman Khrushchev, but considering the sometimes informal and indirect nature of the channel, there may be others. The final document in the volume is the message from the President's widow to Chairman Khrushchev.
Portions of some of the messages exchanged between the President and the Chairman and printed in Volume VI are included in other volumes of the subseries. The editors have done so to ensure that users had immediate access to the relevant texts in the context of compilations regarding complicated negotiations or regional crises between the United States and the Soviet Union.