Parliamentary Procedure Quotations
2 Misattributed; 3 Quotes about Lloyd George; 4 External links From the House of Commons he would have removed many a bauble, and he would have. Quotations about parliamentary procedure, meetings, and Robert's Rules of Order. technicalities, it consists in grasping the relationship between procedure and functions. Sir Gilbert Campion. (subsequently Lord Campion)() . A new member of the House of Commons once asked a senior member, 'How can I. setting out the structure of government and its relationship with its citizens. The Monarchy is one of the three components of Parliament (shorthand for the Queen-in-Parliament) along with Commons and Lords. Image of the House of Commons, from True Platforme and Manner of the Sitting in the.
There is no other method for really presenting it to the minds of the members of an assembly, beside that of presenting it to their eyes. A general idea of this table only will be presented here. We may suppose a gallery above the president's chair, which presents a front consisting of two frames, nine feet high by six feet wide, filled with black canvas, made to open like folding doors; - that this canvas is regularly pierced for the reception of letters of so large a size as to be legible in every part of the place of meeting.
These letters might be attached by an iron hook, in such manner that they could not be deranged. When a motion is about to become the object of debate, it would be given to the compositors, who would transcribe it upon the table, and by closing the gallery, exhibit it like a placard to the eyes of the whole assembly.
The utility of this invention, in its most general point of view, consists in so arranging matters that no one could avoid knowing upon what motion he ought to vote. Now Robert's rules of order, or its grandchildren, invade every conference room and meeting hall. There is no escape. Michael Crichton Unless the reason for a rule is understood, it is difficult to learn the rule, and it is still more difficult to apply it successfully in practice.
Crocker, President Massachusetts Senate Crocker's Principles of Procedure preface, The great purpose of all rules and forms, is to subserve the will of the assembly rather than to restrain it; to facilitate, and not to obstruct, the expression of their deliberate sense.
Luther Cushing Robert's Rules of Order is the greatest book ever written. Elliott The Process of Group Thinkingp. The book keeps me informed of the rules, and is a really good sleep aid. President Andrew Jackson It is only by having a law of proceeding, and by every member having the means of understanding it for himself, and appealing to it, that he can be protected against caprice and despotism in the chair. Thomas Jefferson Letter to Abraham Baldwin, April 14, It is much more material that that there should be a rule to go by, than what that rule is; that there may be a uniformity of proceeding in business, not subject to the caprice of the Speaker, or captiousness of the members.
Charles Kettering A man with God is always in the majority. John Knox Parliamentary law is more perplexing than difficult. Lewis Author, Robert's Rules Simplified Fewer rules would be thoughtlessly broken if there were fewer rules to be broken. We have too many. Robert Luce You can't have a sense of community without rules. Judith Martin "Miss Manners" The ideal committee is one with me as chairman, and the other members in bed with flu.
David Lloyd George
Lord Milverton [U]nless you turn out to be a hermit or a recluse pleasant to contemplate but hard to achieve in an atomic ageyou, yourself, in the flesh, will probably belong to a half-dozen such organizations, including at least your church, community, and professional groups. More important, it means that if you are to give your best to these organizations, and if you are to rise to a position of respect and influence in them, you will need to know something of parliamentary discussion, parliamentary law, and parliamentary strategy.
O'Brien Parliamentary Law for the Layman, p. If the offender persists in his defiance, the Speaker may cause him to be suspended--five days the first time, twenty days the second and indefinitely if the rebel sins again.
In extreme cases the Speaker may have the culprit confined in the tower of Big Ben. For instance, Edmund Sheffield, second earl of Mulgrave, was one of the least experienced of the members of the defunct House of Lords — only succeeding to his title in October Yet, by he was evidently held in high esteem by Cromwell, having become a member of the Protectoral Privy Council.
Manchester had played no active part in politics since the regicide and had refused to take the oath of loyalty to the Commonwealth regime. It may also have reflected the fact that Manchester had valuable expertise in the workings of the upper chamber. Perhaps he had no choice: But it seems more likely that Cromwell actually had in mind an upper chamber grounded upon principles very different to that abolished in In particular, the membership of the Other House, unlike that of its predecessor, would not sit by hereditary right.
Under the terms of the Humble Petition and Advice all members of the Other House would serve as life peers only — once they died the vacant places would be filled by nomination, not by hereditary succession. It was on these grounds that he repeatedly opposed agitation in both the first and second Protectorate Parliaments to make the Protectorate hereditary.
Hereditary government would not do: As Lord Protector he conferred no less than 12 baronetcies. The letters patents issued by Cromwell to bestow these honours followed the traditional formula: Whereas Howard was eventually summoned to sit as a member of the Other House by writ of summons, Dunch was not.
But this is hardly surprising. It was only natural when nominating a body of members on whose fidelity the future security of the regime rested that Cromwell chose men he knew to be faithful to himself and the cause. Those who had served with Cromwell in the army, or under the various regimes of the s — of which many also happened to be related to him — were therefore an obvious choice.
All but three of the members had sat in at least one English Parliament prior towith over half having sat in one of the two houses of parliament prior to the revolution of There were also a number of financial administrators, court officials and judicial office holders — including the Lord Chief Justices of both benches who were summoned to sit as fully-fledged members of the upper chamber rather than as their assistants as had previously been the case with the House of Lords.
The membership of the Other House chosen by Cromwell was also geographically diverse. There was also representation for Scotland and Ireland — including the Irish nobleman Lord Broghill and the Scottish earl of Cassillis and a number of others who had served as officers or administrators across the three kingdoms. Even more revealing is an examination of the political and religious sympathies of the members of the Other House.
Can it tell us anything about the sort of settlement he hoped to secure? Most obviously, it is worth considering whether the membership of the Other House displayed any political bias: Simply counting the number of soldiers in the Other House, however, is not necessarily the best way to identify those with military sympathies.
Far more numerous were men of politically conservative instincts. Indeed, twenty of those summoned to the Other House, almost a third of its membership, had been members of the Nominated Assembly. Oh no, there was a vast difference between protecting the ground landlords in towns and protecting the village Dissenter. After all, the village Dissenter is too low down in the social scale for such exalted patronage, so he was left to the mercy of a Tory House of Commons without any of this high and powerful protection.
Well, the Dissenters, despised as they may be, once upon a time taught a lesson to the House of Lords, and ere another year has passed they will be able to say, "Here endeth the second lesson". We are going to exorcise them. We are going to drive hunger from the hearth. We mean to banish the workhouse from the horizon of every workman in the land.
Speech in Reading 1 January Personally I am a sincere advocate of all means which would lead to the settlement of international disputes by methods such as those which civilization has so successfully set up for the adjustment of differences between individuals. But I am also bound to say this — that I believe it is essential in the highest interests, not merely of this country, but of the world, that Britain should at all hazards maintain her place and her prestige amongst the Great Powers of the world.
Her potent influence has many a time been in the past, and may yet be in the future, invaluable to the cause of human liberty. It has more than once in the past redeemed Continental nations, who are sometimes too apt to forget that service, from overwhelming disaster and even from national extinction. I would make great sacrifices to preserve peace.
I conceive that nothing would justify a disturbance of international good will except questions of the gravest national moment. But if a situation were to be forced upon us in which peace could only be preserved by the surrender of the great and beneficent position Britain has won by centuries of heroism and achievement, by allowing Britain to be treated where her interests were vitally affected as if she were of no account in the Cabinet of nations, then I say emphatically that peace at that price would be a humiliation intolerable for a great country like ours to endure.
There it was planted in the hills, not merely looking after the spiritual needs of the people, but also their temporal needs They have all gone.
One of these parishes I find to-day with a tithe, and probably the land was owned by gentlemen who, when I was down there twenty years ago, was the anti-disestablishment candidate for that district.
What is the good of talking about it? Whoever else has got a right to complain of Parliament not being authorised to deal with this trust; the present Establishment has no right, and the present House of Lords has no right. Property which was used for the sick, for the lame, for the poor, and for education, where has it gone to?
It is one of the most disgraceful and discreditable records in the history of this country. Speech in the House of Commons 12 May on the Bill to disestablish the Anglican church in Wales The Duke of Devonshire issues a circular applying for subscriptions to oppose this Bill, and he charges us with the robbery of God.
Why, does he not know—of course he knows—that the very foundations of his fortune are laid deep in sacrilege, fortunes built out of desecrated shrines and pillaged altars I say that charges of this kind brought against a whole people I am not complaining that ancestors of theirs did it, but they are still in the enjoyment of the same property, and they are subscribing out of that property to leaflets which attack us and call us thieves.
What is their story? Look at the whole story of the pillage of the Reformation. They robbed the Catholic Church, they robbed the monasteries, they robbed the altars, they robbed the almshouses, they robbed the poor, and they robbed the dead.
Speech in the House of Commons 12 May on the Bill to disestablish the Anglican church in Wales They were now as a party engaged in carrying laboriously uphill the last few columns out of the Gladstonian quarry. Foremost among the tasks of Liberalism in the near future was the regeneration of rural life and the emancipation of the land of this country from the paralysing grip of an effete and unprofitable system.
When they were published they would prove conclusively that there were hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of men, women, and children dependent upon the land in this country and engaged in cultivating it, hardworking men and women, who were living under conditions with regard to wages, to housing, as well as hours of labour—conditions which ought to make this great Empire hang its head in shame that such things could be permitted to happen in any corner of its vast dominions, let alone in this country, the centre and source of all its glory.
This rich, proud Empire did not pay its children, who had maintained and built up its glory and upon whom they had to depend in future against every foe, enough to keep themselves, their wives, and their children above a state of semi-starvation.
The condition of things was one which demanded the immediate attention of every man who loved his native land and who had any heart to sympathize with humanity in despair. I could multiply instances of men, women, and children who have been just snatched from the jaws of the grave by this Act of Parliament, and yet whilst it is walking the streets, hurrying about on its errand of mercy, visiting the sick, healing those who are afflicted with disease, feeding hungry children whose parents have been prostrated by sickness and cannot look after them—whilst it is doing the work of the Man of Nazareth in the stricken homes of Britain, it is being stoned by Tory speakers, reviled, insulted, and spat upon.
Their reckoning is piling up. It will soon be demanded at their hands to the last penny by a people who have been misled by them into disdaining one of the greatest gifts the Imperial Parliament has ever delivered to the people of this land.
Success to your meetings. Future of this country depends on breaking up the land monopoly—it withers the land, depresses wages, destroys independence, and drives millions into dwellings which poison their strength. Godspeed to every effort to put an end to this oppression. Telegram to a national conference to promote the taxation and rating of land held in Cardiff 13 Octoberquoted in The Times 14 Octoberp. The landlord was no more necessary to agriculture than a gold chain to a watch.
There are always clouds in the international sky. You never get a perfectly blue sky in foreign affairs. And there are clouds even now. But we feel confident that the common sense, the patience, the good-will, the forbearance which enabled us to solve greater and more difficult and more urgent problems last year will enable us to pull through these difficulties at the present moment.
Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham said, in future what are you going to tax when you will want more money? He also not merely assumed but stated that you could not depend upon any economy in armaments. I think that is not so. I think he will find that next year there will be substantial economy without interfering in the slightest degree with the efficiency of the Navy.
The expenditure of the last few years has been very largely for the purpose of meeting what is recognised to be a temporary emergency.
It is very difficult for one nation to arrest this very terrible development. You cannot do it. You cannot when other nations are spending huge sums of money which are not merely weapons of defence, but are equally weapons of attack. I realise that, but the encouraging symptom which I observe is that the movement against it is a cosmopolitan one and an international one. Whether it will bear fruit this year or next year, that I am not sure of, but I am certain that it will come.
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I can see signs, distinct signs, of reaction throughout the world. Take a neighbour of ours. Our relations are very much better than they were a few years ago.
There is none of that snarling which we used to see, more especially in the Press of those two great, I will not say rival nations, but two great Empires.Take a tour of the House of Lords
The feeling is better altogether between them. They begin to realise they can co-operate for common ends, and that the points of co-operation are greater and more numerous and more important than the points of possible controversy. Speech in the House of Commons on the day the Austrian ultimatum was sent to Serbia 23 July ; The "neighbour" mentioned is Germany.
The stern hand of fate has scourged us to an elevation where we can see the great everlasting things which matter for a nation — the great peaks we had forgotten, of Honor, Duty, Patriotism, and clad in glittering white, the great pinnacle of Sacrifice pointing like a rugged finger to Heaven.
This is an artillery war. We must have every gun we can lay hands upon. Quoted in Lord Riddell's diary entry 13 OctoberJ. The Athlone Press,p. The "empire" mentioned is Austria-Hungary. The Germans had shown that they had better training than we, and he knew the value of training—he had seen examples of it in the House of Commons, when Labour members competed against men of better education than themselves—they were just as good fellows, but they hadn't the training.
And [Lloyd George] says that it is training that is wanting on our side—among the generals. He says our soldiers are the best in Europe, but they are being wantonly sacrificed because those in authority do not know how to make the best use of them. Frances Stevenson's diary entry 16 DecemberA. Hutchinson,p. Minister of Munitions[ edit ] It is a strange irony, but no small compensation, that the making of weapons of destruction should afford the occasion to humanise industry. It is a strange irony, but no small compensation, that the making of weapons of destruction should afford the occasion to humanise industry.
Yet such is the case. Old prejudices have vanished, new ideas are abroad; employers and workers, the public and the State, are favourable to new methods. This opportunity must not be allowed to slip. It may well be that, when the tumult of war is a distant echo, and the making of munitions a nightmare of the past, the effort now being made to soften asperities, to secure the welfare of the workers, and to build a bridge of sympathy and understanding between employer and employed, will have left behind results of permanent and enduring value to the workers, to the nation and to mankind at large.
Speech Februaryquoted in War Memoirs: Odhams,pp. Secretary of State for War[ edit ] The British soldier is a good sportsman. He enlisted in this war in a sporting spirit—in the best sense of that term. He went in to see fair play to a small nation trampled upon by a bully.
He is fighting for fair play. He has fought as a good sportsman. By the thousands he has died a good sportsman. He has never asked anything more than a sporting chance. He has not always had that. He played the game. Under the circumstances the British, now that the fortunes of the game have turned a bit, are not disposed to stop because of the squealing done by Germans or done for Germans by probably well-meaning but misguided sympathizers and humanitarians During these months when it seemed the finish of the British Army might come quickly, Germany elected to make this a fight to a finish with England.
The British soldier was ridiculed and held in contempt. Now we intend to see that Germany has her way. The fight must be to a finish—to a knock-out. Intervention would have been for us a military disaster.
Has the Secretary of State for War no right to express an opinion upon a thing which would be a military disaster? That is what I did, and I do not withdraw a single syllable. I could tell the hon. Member how timely it was. I can tell the hon.
Member it was not merely the expression of my own opinion, but the expression of the opinion of the Cabinet, of the War Committee, and of our military advisers. It was the opinion of every ally. I can understand men who conscientiously object to all wars. I can understand men who say you will never redeem humanity except by passive endurance of every evil. I can understand men, even—although I do not appreciate the strength of their arguments—who say they do not approve of this particular war.
That is not my view, but I can understand it, and it requires courage to say so. But what I cannot understand, what I cannot appreciate, what I cannot respect, is when men preface their speeches by saying they believe in the war, they believe in its origin, they believe in its objects and its cause, and during the time the enemy were in the ascendant never said a word about peace; but the moment our gallant troops are climbing through endurance and suffering up the path of ascendancy begin to howl with the enemy.
His opinion of Asquith's attempts to stay in power during the political crisis that ousted him from the premiership, quoted in Frances Stevenson's diary entry 5 DecemberA. What they do send is not the war, but just a pretty picture of the war with everybody doing gallant deeds.
The thing is horrible and beyond human nature to bear and I feel I can't go on with this bloody business.
Haig does not care how many men he loses. He just squanders the lives of these boys. I mean to save some of them in the future. He seems to think they are his property. I am their trustee. I will never let him rest. I should have backed Nievelle against Haig. Quoted in Frances Stevenson's diary entry 15 JanuaryA. The task now was to build up the country. Scott in his diary 26 Januaryin Trevor Wilson ed. Collins,p. Do them for the sake of your country after the war.
When the smoke of this great conflict has been dissolved in the atmosphere we breathe there will reappear a new Britain.
It will be the old country still, but it will be a new country. Its commerce will be new, its trade will be new, its industries will be new. There will be new conditions of life and of toil, for capital and for labour alike, and there will be new relations between both of them and for ever.
But there will be new ideas, there will be a new outlook, there will be a new character in the land. The men and women of this country will be burnt into fine building material for the new Britain in the fiery kilns of the war. It will not merely be the millions of men who, please God! There are rare epochs in the history of the world when in a few raging years the character, the destiny, of the whole race is determined for unknown ages.
The winter wheat is being sown. It is better, it is surer, it is more bountiful in its harvest than when it is sown in the soft spring time.
There are many storms to pass through, there are many frosts to endure, before the land brings forth its green promise. But let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season we shall reap if we faint not. Let him learn to make better use of them. There is no danger now on land. The danger is on sea'. Frances Stevenson's diary entry 14 FebruaryA. Scott in his diary 3 Aprilin Trevor Wilson ed. I listened last night, at a dinner given to Philip Gibbs on his return from the front, to the most impressive and moving description from him of what the war really means that I have heard.
Even an audience of hardened politicians and journalists was strongly affected. The thing is horrible and beyond human nature to bear and "I feel I can't go on with this bloody business: I would rather resign. Scott in his diary 28 Decemberin Trevor Wilson ed. They show that the physique of the people of this country is far from what it should be, particularly in the agricultural districts where the inhabitants should be the strongest. That is due to low wages, malnutrition and housing.
It will have to be put right after the war. I have always stood during the whole of my life for the under-dog. I have not changed, and am going still to fight his battle. He wants to pose as the great arbiter of the war. His Fourteen Points are very dangerous. He speaks of the freedom of the seas. That would involve the abolition of the right of search and seizure, and the blockade. We shall not agree to that. Such a change would not suit this country.
Wilson does not see that by laying down terms without consulting the Allies, he is making their position very difficult. He had no right to reply to the German Note without consultation, and I insisted upon a cablegram being sent to him.