Eamon De Valera - the man who destroyed Michael Collins | senshido.info
Harry Boland, Michael Collins and Eamon De Valera photographed in Washington had said in “I'll see you guys in a couple of years.”. Ronan Fanning, author of Éamon de Valera: A Will to Power, reflects on an image which the British could readily pin on Michael Collins, for example, cons of the British connection” or recognise that it was thanks to de Valera that, . Movie quiz of Who quit the James Bond franchise in August?. He deplores that the Collins/De Valera Pact was not given the chance it deserved , . in relation to the Oath of Allegiance provided for in Article 17 of the Treaty.
As he walked down the aisle he extended both of his hands to the side—not unlike the Virgin Mary atop the globe with serpent underfoot—and allowed people to touch him. Even at 92, he had an imposing physical presence—he towered over me—which must have made him an outsized figure to friend and foe alike.
Just two months after our brief meeting he was dead. It was the exit of a master politician, a man who knew his constituency and understood his place in history.Eamon de Valera interview (1955)
At this time Michael Collins had been dead for 53 years and was only beginning to reemerge as a national hero. The Lost Leader" had just been published and slowly Collins—who had been almost airbrushed out of Irish history by de Valera and his party in much the same way the Kremlin politburo under Stalin removed undesirables from official photos—was coming back to life, perhaps even bigger and more colorful than he ever was.
Extract: How Eamon de Valera & the Irish rebels lived in English prisons
In comparison Collins was an elite revolutionary first, then a politician. Conversely, de Valera was a politician first, then a revolutionary who, afteronly had a distant relationship with what the salaciousness of urban guerrilla warfare—as designed by Michael Collins in his absence—was really like. Unlike other Collins loyalists, I do not find fault with everything Dev did while in office. I think some of the things he did in separating the Irish Free State from British hegemony were called for, including the revamping of the government in The British had been lining up Irish revolutionaries for centuries and shooting them.
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De Valera had been condemned to death in and was only reprieved by his natural born American citizenship. He had every right to hold a grudge against the British—a very Irish trait! He returned Allied fliers downed in Ireland while interning German ones.
He also kept a close eye on the German diplomatic delegation to make sure they were not plotting espionage from Ireland. The one giant stain on this neutral policy in favor of the Allies was an odd one—he traveled to the German legation on Northumberland Road to express his condolences on the death of Adolf Hitler. Oddly enough, he did not extend the same courtesy for President Roosevelt, who had died three weeks earlier. His biggest political fault may have been his narcissism—he would not leave.
The Irish Machiavelli But as a student of Collins, the three things that disturb me most about de Valera are his dealings with Collins between and I will give you two pieces of advice—study economics and read 'The Prince. A way for exerting gangsterism on a part of Italy.
I cannot think of similar situations where a revolutionary leader left his country voluntarily during wartime. During this period May December the war was essentially won by Collins and his men. The final blow was on Bloody Sunday, November 21,when the Squad assassinated 14 British intelligence officers, terminating much of the British control of Dublin, and thus Ireland. In an unhappy coincidence for the British, the first General Election to be held in 8 years was scheduled for December, Sinn Fein ran a full slate of candidates for the open seats.
Through a combination of successful campaigning, hard work, chicanery, voter fraud, and genuine heartfelt support, Sinn Fein won an outstanding 73 seats in Parliament. From then on for the next few years ruthless violence would be brought along with the creation of the Republic. At the second session of the Dail, Collins was elected Minister of Finance and de Valera, only recently freed from jail in a daring escape masterminded by Collins, was elected President.
While Collins remained in Ireland to oversee the management of the infant Republic, de Valera traveled to America to raise desperately needed funds and to try to influence the United States to formally recognize the Republic. Not clearly under control of the Dail, but definitely following the orders of Collins, the IRA carried out a program of terror and assassination directed at the RIC. Determined to prevail, the British responded by reinforcing the rapidly thinning RIC ranks with British troops whose hastily supplied and mismatched uniforms gave them the unforgettable name of the Black and Tans.
To supplement these new RIC members, Britain also began recruiting decommissioned British war veterans to form a special Auxiliary Force. Eventually the British forces assembled against the republicans whom had 50, Together these proved lethal opponents to the IRA in what rapidly degenerated into a bloody guerrilla war in which hundreds died on each side from bombings, shootings, burnings, and torture.
Ireland Divided: Eamon de Valera & Michael Collins - SchoolWorkHelper
Relations between the British and the nationalist Irish were permanently scarred by a nasty cycle of attacks in which intentional brutal massacres of combatants were punctuated by episodes of inhuman treatment of non-combatants as well.
Nobody wanted the British back again and Collins and Griffith had been to London just before the attack on the Four Courts, and had been told that, Pact or no, ministers following the election must comply with 17 of the Treaty, which insisted that they take the Oath of Allegiance. Perhaps in this sequence may be found a sufficiently reason for Collins, striving as he was to prevent Civil War and accommodate the beliefs of comrades in arms, to have breached the Pact.
At annual commemorations in recent years for two of the most prominent protagonists we have seen modest but commendable indications of finally trying to eliminate any feelings of bitterness that remain. Liam Lynch was one of the brave men on the anti-Treaty side who over sixty years ago came together in the Nire Valley of Co.
Waterford to initiate the process of ending the Civil War. But like Collins, Lynch was killed before the struggle ended and did not see his efforts come to fruition.
What finally made up the late Frank Aiken's mind to play the crucial part that he did in bringing hostilities to an end was the tragic deaths of these two men, his friends, and in the case of Collins his comrade up to the start of the Civil War, and of Lynch up to the time of Lynch's death.
Few if any current members of the Oireachtas were born before or during the Civil War ; certainly none had reached the age of maturity. With the possible exception of the late President Childers, I was the first of this generation of Fianna Fail deputies to be appointed to a Junior Ministerial post. When I later became a member of the Cabinet I never once heard from my seniors in Government, all of them involved actively in the War of and who took the anti-Treaty side, an unkind word about Michael Collins — indeed I knew that there was much admiration and respect for him among them.
I know at first hand that my two predecessors as Taoiseach and Leader of Fianna Fail, Eamon de Valera and Sean Lemass accepted that Michael Collins genuinely thought he was doing what he believed was right in proposing and supporting the Treaty even though they disagreed with him profoundly.
- David McCullagh on Eamon de Valera: 'People tended either to love him or to loath him'
- Ireland Divided: Eamon de Valera & Michael Collins
- Extract: How Eamon de Valera & the Irish rebels lived in English prisons
Unfortunately these stepping stones became increasingly submerged in water that became stagnant and later muddied. It became stagnant because of the intransigience of the Unionist population even against Governments in Westminster, intransigience that was passively accepted by British Governments, with one recent exception. The water became muddied and even polluted by the killings, sectarian and otherwise by the I.
Collins was a man of action who wanted to see and make things move. Half a province cannot impose a permanent veto on the nation. De Valera however had no doubts about what the British would do when it came to the discussions on the boundary after the Treaty would be accepted.
Is it reasonable to assume, as events have borne out, that Dev was right, that the British had no intention of budging on the Boundary created by them in the Treaty? It is surely reasonable to assume that Collins, had he lived, would have fought very hard to establish what he and Griffith understood would be the outcome of the Commission.
That may have been effective at the time for the purpose of bringing the North closer to the South. However in more recent years suggestions of re-partition have not found favour with successive Irish Governments right up to the present. The Civil War taught us many things, one above all the futility of violence as a means of securing the reunification of our people. The great majority of these who were together in the War of Independence and who opposed each other in the civil conflict came to one common conclusion in the pursuit of their mutual aim — that violence would never achieve it.
This is and has been the view of the vast majority of the people of the 26 Counties, that the only enduring solution will be based on the coming together of the people of this island in peace and reconciliation. We know that we cannot force unity and we do not wish to do so. Those in Northern Ireland whose aspirations are opposed to ours are entitled to our respect and understanding. Any settlement must embrace the different contributions each tradition has to offer.
Our aim must be not to try to remake others in our image but to welcome their traditions in an Ireland of which we are all citizens. We would wish for a similar and reciprocal willingness on the other side — with mutual respect for the right to differ on points of principle.